Deficit talks provide test of Boehner’s leadership

Speaker’s stand quells talk of Republican split.

WASHINGTON — Temperatures and tempers were running high in the Capitol earlier this month as House Republicans edged closer to turning against House Speaker John Boehner over his handling of the debt-ceiling negotiations with President Barack Obama.

There was talk of a deep split between Boehner and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor of Virginia, a favorite of tea party conservatives. Republicans grumbled that Boehner was poised to accept a tax increase as part of a deficit-reduction plan.

Boehner decided to tell his colleagues exactly what was being discussed in White House meetings. In private he told GOP lawmakers he wanted deep spending reductions, firm caps on future spending, and no increase in tax rates. And he insisted he and Cantor were a united front.

The relief among conservatives was palpable. Rep. Steve LaTourette, R-Bainbridge Twp., said Boehner’s talk “stopped the slide that was going on. There had been a whisper campaign, talking about how he was trying to cut a deal.’’

The meeting, LaTourette said, “put an end to that.’’

The negotiations between the White House and congressional Republicans over how to raise the government’s $14.29 trillion debt ceiling and slash future deficits continue to veer toward an unpredictable conclusion. But at least for now, Boehner and Cantor have resolved any differences and Boehner seems to have solidified his grasp on his caucus.

“There’s no air between them,’’ said Rep. Pat Tiberi, R-Genoa Twp., a close Boehner ally from the Columbus area.

Boehner in national spotlight

The debt talks have put Boehner in the national spotlight like never before. The speaker from West Chester Twp. is under intense pressure to produce not only a pact that will satisfy the nervous bond markets, but also the arch conservatives who dominate the House Republican caucus. The stakes are so high that Tiberi acknowledged “this is tougher’’ than any other challenge Boehner has faced as speaker.

On Friday as both sides seemed closer to a deal, Boehner announced he had once again reached an impasse with Obama on the issue of taxes, complaining that the White House was demanding an additional $400 billion in revenue. At a news conference, Boehner asserted that dealing with the White House was like “dealing with a bowl of Jell-O.’’

Following a one-hour meeting Saturday at the White House, Boehner had a conference call with House Republicans and assured them that talks with congressional leaders were continuing and the goal was to have a more modest bill ready for Monday when lawmakers return to Washington, according to Tiberi.

Everyone seems to understand Boehner’s predicament – by keeping the right wing happy, he may antagonize a majority of Americans and risk a default that could cripple the economy and be blamed on Republicans.

“He’s walking on eggs,’’ said Ohio’s former Republican Sen. George V. Voinovich, saying that many of the GOP freshmen “are so naïve, so new to the game, that they don’t understand how critical this is for our country.’’

Chris Littleton, co-founder of the Ohio Liberty Council, who said in an ideal world, he’d prefer the debt ceiling not be increased at all, acknowledged Boehner is “stuck in a very tough spot.’’

Even some Democrats give Boehner a little credit. Jeff Perdew, communications chair for the Butler County Democratic Party, admits Boehner is “not my favorite,” but said Boehner initially seemed inclined toward a compromise on the debt ceiling.

“It seems to me his rank and file is the problem, especially the freshmen, mostly the ones from the tea party,” he said.

Credit agencies watching talks

The talks have swung wildly from one extreme to the next, with major developments followed by a breakdown. A deal would allow the federal government to avoid default by raising the debt ceiling. In addition to satisfying Senate Democrats and House Republicans, the deal has to convince credit agencies such as Standard & Poor’s from downgrading U.S. debt, a move that would wreak havoc on the economy.

“If the United States of America’s credit rating gets downgraded, every interest rate in America will go up,” Boehner said a news conference Thursday. “It is important for us to act on both fronts if we’re serious about getting our economy going.’’

Just a few weeks ago, many conservative Republicans and tea party activists feared that Boehner, the ultimate dealmaker, would accept a plan that would have slashed the deficit by $4 trillion over the next decade. Their objection: The plan included at least $1 trillion in new revenue, presumably by closing tax loopholes.

It was part of Boehner’s determination to negotiate a “grand bargain,’’ one that would include curbs on the exploding costs of the entitlement programs of Medicare and Medicaid. But once word got back to House Republicans that the plan included new revenue, Cantor and his allies objected.

Boehner blinked. He said in a statement that he did not agree with Obama’s “view that government needs more revenues through higher taxes on job creators.’’ Instead, Boehner suggested it would be better to focus on a smaller package of spending cuts.

By stepping back from negotiations and taking a hard line on the tax issue, he appeared to win over some tea party conservatives who had previously been openly critical. Stephanie Kremer, co-chair of the Mercer County Liberty group and a critic of Boehner in the past, picked up the phone and called Boehner’s office to applaud him. Mercer County is in Boehner’s congressional district.

“Right now, at this very moment, I can say I’m happy to see Boehner and the Republicans stand their ground, saying ‘we will not compromise on certain issues, and one is raising taxes,’” she said. “We’re not stupid. It isn’t that complex. If you overspend in certain areas, you budget. If you live in too big of a house, you downsize. It just takes common sense.”

Since then, Boehner has taken a series of moves to assuage the conservatives in his caucus. He endorsed a plan backed by Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Urbana and tea party activists that would require Congress to cut spending, cap future spending and approve a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution.

The House passed the plan last week. Although the Senate rejected it Friday, simply by allowing the vote Boehner may have freed some House conservatives who had vowed not to ever vote to raise the debt ceiling to back another plan, Voinovich said.

“There’s no immediate conservative coup within sight,’’ said David Wasserman, a congressional analyst for the nonpartisan Cook Political Report in Washington. “But the next few months will be a very trying time for the Republican conference. If the Republicans can hold the majority, it’s very hard to see how Republican conservatives can stage a coup against Boehner.”

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